An investigation into the ethnification of the Ethiopian media
The Ethiopian media environment has experienced marvellous progress since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018. In an unprecedented move, the country climbed 40 spaces upwards on Reporters Without Borders’ Press Freedom Index in just a year after the regime change. From 2019 to 2020, Ethiopia ascended another 11 places on the ranking, currently leaving the country at 99th place globally. Some of the changes have consisted of release of journalists from prison, better access to information, dismantling of old media laws, and welcoming the diaspora media to return home and allow critical media outlets to operate from the homeland.
Concurrently, however, the media market has turned inceasingly polarized and assertive. A number of the newfound outlets openly identify with national-ethnic interests and impel identity politics through their choice of content and sources. Several commentators warn that a new wave of arrests and closure of media channels might be underway as a reaction from the government to counter heightened levels of hate speech and aggression in the public exchange.
The current study attempts to give a portrayal of current developments in the Ethiopian media with a particular focus on what might be described as an ‘ethnic turn’ in public deliberation. The study is based on a wide range of interviews with journalists and editors in the local media, counting between 20 and 25 participants from both the private and the state sector. The interviews were conducted right as Ethiopia went into a national lockdown due to the Covid-19 pandemic in March 2020.
The study shows that all parts of the media give acclaim to the liberalized media policy during the current leadership, regardless of whether they belong to the state media or the private media; newly established or with a long history. Secondly, there is a deep concern among many of the informants about what they characterize as ‘extremist’ outlets. Some believe that the authorities are tolerating too much of hate speech and warmongering. Several outlets portray themselves as victims of an increasingly cautious attitude of the government towards the activist media. Thirdly, the study confirms the impression of polarization in the media, although it is a different type of polarization than in the past – moving from state/private polarization to polarization along ethnic lines. Fourthly, the study proposes that a hybrid journalistic role is emerging in Ethiopian newsrooms. While the new outlets emphasize professional ideals, they see their main purpose as one of defending national-ethnic interests. A key role according to several of the informants is to oppose the official narrative of the government and their allies. Towards these findings, the study argue that the identity of the Ethiopian media is changing from being political to becoming ethnic.
Concurrently, however, the media market has turned inceasingly polarized and assertive. A number of the newfound outlets openly identify with national-ethnic interests and impel identity politics through their choice of content and sources. Several commentators warn that a new wave of arrests and closure of media channels might be underway as a reaction from the government to counter heightened levels of hate speech and aggression in the public exchange.
The current study attempts to give a portrayal of current developments in the Ethiopian media with a particular focus on what might be described as an ‘ethnic turn’ in public deliberation. The study is based on a wide range of interviews with journalists and editors in the local media, counting between 20 and 25 participants from both the private and the state sector. The interviews were conducted right as Ethiopia went into a national lockdown due to the Covid-19 pandemic in March 2020.
The study shows that all parts of the media give acclaim to the liberalized media policy during the current leadership, regardless of whether they belong to the state media or the private media; newly established or with a long history. Secondly, there is a deep concern among many of the informants about what they characterize as ‘extremist’ outlets. Some believe that the authorities are tolerating too much of hate speech and warmongering. Several outlets portray themselves as victims of an increasingly cautious attitude of the government towards the activist media. Thirdly, the study confirms the impression of polarization in the media, although it is a different type of polarization than in the past – moving from state/private polarization to polarization along ethnic lines. Fourthly, the study proposes that a hybrid journalistic role is emerging in Ethiopian newsrooms. While the new outlets emphasize professional ideals, they see their main purpose as one of defending national-ethnic interests. A key role according to several of the informants is to oppose the official narrative of the government and their allies. Towards these findings, the study argue that the identity of the Ethiopian media is changing from being political to becoming ethnic.
Publisert i Den 19. nasjonale medieforskarkonferansen, 2020
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